GS2Indian Polity & Constitution·20 Sept 2026·4 min read

Judicial Neutrality at a Crossroads: Judges, Bar and the Need for Reform

Today, Justice N. Anand Venkatesh of the Madras High Court warned that the Indian judiciary is at a crossroads during his address at the ninth State Conference of the Indian Association of Lawyers. He linked the erosion of judicial neutrality to the commercialisation of legal education, politicisation of bar associations and the opaque Collegium appointment system, framing them as systemic threats to the rule of law. He noted that India now has over 1,500 law colleges, yet only 5% of newly enrolled advocates graduate from the 27 national law schools, underscoring a widening quality gap.

Judicial Neutrality at a Crossroads: Judges, Bar and the Need for Reform
  • Anand Venkatesh of the Madras High Court warned on 19 September 2026 that India’s judiciary is at a “crossroads” and must introspect to restore neutrality.
  • His address at the ninth State Conference of the Indian Association of Lawyers in Coimbatore highlighted the commercialisation of legal education, politicised bar bodies and the opaque Collegium system of judicial appointments as threats to the rule of law.

Justice N. Anand Venkatesh of the Madras High Court warned on 19 September 2026 that India’s judiciary is at a “crossroads” and must introspect to restore neutrality. His address at the ninth State Conference of the Indian Association of Lawyers in Coimbatore highlighted the commercialisation of legal education, politicised bar bodies and the opaque Collegium system of judicial appointments as threats to the rule of law.

The Concerns Raised at Coimbatore

Justice Venkatesh, quoting a Supreme Court pronouncement that the legal profession “is essentially a service‑oriented noble profession”, lamented the erosion of that ideal. He pointed to the mushrooming of law colleges—from a few hundred in the 1990s to more than 1,500 today—and the fact that only 27 national law colleges supply 5 % of newly enrolled advocates. The judge also flagged the absence of a Vice‑Chancellor at the Tamil Nadu Dr Ambedkar Law University and the political affiliation of the Bar Council of India’s chairman, who sits in the Rajya Sabha.

  • 1,500+ law colleges exist across India (2026)
  • 27 national law colleges enrol 5 % of advocates (2026)
  • Bar Council of India chairman is a Rajya Sabha member (2026)

These observations underscore a systemic drift away from the constitutional vision of an independent bar that safeguards citizens’ rights.

The surge in law colleges has diluted curricular standards; many institutions omit crucial subjects such as intellectual property rights and international law. This gap contravenes the spirit of Article 13, which bars laws that “take away or abridge any of the rights conferred by this Constitution”. When legal education fails to equip advocates with fundamental knowledge, the judiciary’s capacity to enforce constitutional rights is compromised. Moreover, the lack of senior mentorship for junior lawyers erodes the “fearless and independent” advocacy envisaged by the Supreme Court.

  • Article 13 prohibits laws infringing constitutional rights (1950)
  • Many law colleges lack IP and international law modules (2026)
  • Senior‑advocate guidance is increasingly absent (2026)

A weakened pipeline of competent lawyers threatens the effective exercise of judicial review—the mechanism that checks legislative and executive excesses.

Bar Politics, the Collegium and Judicial Review

Politicisation of bar associations feeds directly into the opaque Collegium system for appointing judges. Critics argue that the collegium’s secrecy undermines the basic structure doctrine articulated in Kesavananda Bharati Case, which mandates transparency and accountability in constitutional institutions. In Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997), the Supreme Court affirmed that any law ousting High Court jurisdiction without an alternative review mechanism violates the basic structure. By allowing political actors to influence bar leadership and, by extension, judicial appointments, the current practice risks eroding the very foundation of judicial review.

  • Collegium appointments lack transparent criteria (2026)
  • Bar Council chair’s political ties raise conflict concerns (2026)
  • Chandra Kumar (1997) upheld High Court jurisdiction as a basic structure (1997)

Thus, the integrity of judicial review hinges not only on courts but also on an apolitical bar and appointment process.

Did You Know? The first law college in India, the Government Law College, Mumbai, was established in 1855, yet today over 1,500 institutions claim to teach law—making India the world’s largest legal‑education market.

AI, Senior Mentorship and the Future of Advocacy

Justice Venkatesh warned that artificial intelligence could soon automate routine documentation and drafting, rendering many junior advocates redundant. While AI promises efficiency, it also raises questions about the preservation of advocacy as a “service‑oriented noble profession”. Without senior mentors to inculcate ethical standards, AI‑driven practice may prioritize speed over substantive justice, weakening the adversarial system that underpins judicial oversight. The judiciary must therefore anticipate regulatory frameworks that balance technological adoption with the constitutional mandate of fair trial and access to justice.

  • AI threatens routine drafting tasks for junior advocates (2026)
  • No Vice‑Chancellor at Tamil Nadu Dr Ambedkar Law University (2026)
  • Senior‑advocate mentorship declining sharply (2026)

A proactive stance on AI governance can safeguard the profession’s core values while enhancing efficiency.

Way Forward: Restoring Institutional Neutrality

To revive confidence, the judiciary and the bar must pursue three intertwined reforms. First, introduce a statutory framework for the collegium that mandates disclosure of criteria and peer review, echoing the transparency demanded in the Kesavananda Bharati doctrine. Second, depoliticise the Bar Council of India by prohibiting elected officials with party affiliations from holding office, thereby insulating the bar from legislative capture. Third, revamp legal education through a central accreditation body that enforces a uniform curriculum, including emerging fields like IP and international law, and mandates senior‑advocate mentorship programmes. Such measures would reinforce the constitutional promise of an independent judiciary capable of robust judicial review.

  • Statutory collegium reforms proposed (2026)
  • Bar Council leadership to be stripped of political office (2026)
  • Central accreditation to standardise law curricula (2026)

Only a concerted, institution‑wide introspection can steer India’s courts back to the neutral arbiter envisioned by the Constitution.

Concepts Mentioned

judicial oversight

Judicial oversight refers to the power of courts to review and check the actions of other branches of government. It is significant for ensuring accountability and protecting individual rights. The US Supreme Court's judicial review power is a notable example.

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Chandra Kumar v. Union of India

Chandra Kumar v. Union of India (1997) is a Supreme Court judgment that ruled statutes cannot strip the High Courts and Supreme Court of their constitutional jurisdiction under Articles 226 and 32. The ruling upheld judicial review, so after the case the Administrative Tribunals Act 1985 could not prevent High Courts from reviewing tribunal orders, preserving individuals' access to constitutional remedies.

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Kesavananda Bharati Case

The Kesavananda Bharati Case is a landmark Supreme Court judgment. It established the doctrine of basic structure of the Constitution. The 1973 case ruled that Parliament cannot alter the Constitution's fundamental features.

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Judicial Review

Judicial review is the power of courts to assess the constitutionality of legislative and executive actions. It safeguards the rule of law by ensuring that governmental measures do not exceed constitutional limits. In the United States, the principle was firmly established in the 1803 Supreme Court decision Marbury v. Madison, which declared an act of Congress void.

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Article 13

Article 13 of the Indian Constitution declares that any law made after its commencement that contravenes the fundamental rights is void, and it empowers courts to strike down such legislation. This provision anchors the doctrine of judicial review, ensuring that statutes cannot override constitutional guarantees. For example, the Supreme Court invalidated the 1976 law criminalising certain speech under Article 13.

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Collegium system

The collegium system is a judicial appointment mechanism in India where senior Supreme Court judges select candidates for higher courts, bypassing the executive. It grants the judiciary autonomy in shaping its composition, bolstering legal independence. For example, the five‑member collegium appointed Justice R. F. Nariman to the Supreme Court in 2010.

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